1.01 Almost one year on from Berlin, now is an appropriate time to take stock of
developments and progress in SSR. Security is addressed under Pillar 3 of the Afghan Development Framework. The synergy between security and sustainable development is well understood by the Government of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan; and security sector reform is seen as being central to sustainable security. 1.02 As stated in the Berlin Declaration of 01 April 2004, overall responsibility for the coordination of Afghan National Security Policy lies with the National Security Council (NSC) and the National Security Advisor (NSA), supported by Office of the National Security Council (ONSC).
THE AFGHANISTAN COMPACT
PURPOSE
The Afghan Government has articulated its overarching goals for the well-being of its
people in the Afghanistan Millennium Development Goals Country Report 2005 – Vision
2020. Consistent with those goals, this Compact identifies three critical and interdependent
areas or pillars of activity for the five years from the adoption of this Compact:
1. Security;
2. Governance, Rule of Law and Human Rights; and
3. Economic and Social Development.
A further vital and cross-cutting area of work is eliminating the narcotics industry,
which remains a formidable threat to the people and state of Afghanistan, the region and
beyond.
The Afghan Government hereby commits itself to realising this shared vision of the
future; the international community, in turn, commits itself to provide resources and support
to realise that vision. Annex I of this Compact sets out detailed outcomes, benchmarks and
timelines for delivery, consistent with the high-level goals set by the Afghanistan National
Development Strategy (ANDS). The Government and international community also commit
themselves to improve the effectiveness and accountability of international assistance as set
forth in Annex
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Since the Taliban’s fall in 2001, the European Union (EU) has been a major contributor to Afghanistan. A substantial European Commission (EC) delegation oversees an annual budget of some €200 million in development aid, and a Special Representative (EUSR) is in residence. Altogether the EC and member states pledged nearly a third of the money at the 2002 Tokyo and 2004 Berlin donor conferences and the latter contribute over two thirds of the peacekeeping troops as well as Coalition forces battling anti-government insurgents. However EU influence is less than it should be. As a new agenda is drawn up to succeed the Bonn process, the EU needs more internal coordination if it is to gain greater leverage and hold the Afghan government to higher standards of governance and democratic development.
Human Rights Watch welcomed the sentence handed down this week against a CIA contractor convicted in the killing of an Afghan detainee in 2003, but said this was a singular exception to an otherwise poor record of accountability.
Best Reports, articles, and book chapters discussing Afghanistan
Afghanistan Justice Project. 2005. ‘Casting shadows: war crimes and crimes against humanity 1978-2001’, The Afghanistan Justice Project, July 2005. Available online at:
The Center for Economic and Social Rights
We are grateful to all the Afghans and international aid workers who consented to be interviewed for this report. It is clear that the main reason for optimism about...
جرايم ضد بشري در حقوق بين الملل و قانون اساسي افغانستان
جرايم ضد بشري يكي از شنيع ترين جنايات بين المللي به شمار ميرود. قانون اساسي افغانستان نيز اين جرايم را به طور ضمني تقبيح نموده و صريحاً محكومان به ارتكاب اين جرايم را از راهيابي به مناصب مهم دولتي محروم نموده است. علي رغم آنكه از اين جرايم در قانون اساسي جديد افغانستان نام برده شده است، ولي در مورد تحولات مربوط به آن در حقوق بين الملل و تحليل و بررسي عناصر آن، در داخل كشور منبعي به نظر نميرسد. اين نوشتار به اين مهم ميپردازد و آنگاه موارد ذكر اين جرايم را در قانون اساسي بر ميشمارد و در پايان راجع به موانع و مقتضيات محاكمه متهمان به اين جرايم در محاكم افغانستان، روشني مي اندازد. نگارنده اميد وار است كه اين مقاله براي حقوق دانان هموطن، دانشجويان رشته حقوق، قضات محترم و كلاي عزيز و جامعه علمي، جهت آشنايي با اين جرايم، مفيد باشد.
سيد علي حسيني
حقوق بشر امروز هم به عنوان يك آرزو و آرمان بشري مطرح است و هم از شاخصه هاي توسعه يافتگي جوامع و كشورها محسوب مي شود . با اين حال اين آرزو و آرمان نيك متاسفانه در بسياري از كشورها به دلايل مختلف نهادينه نشده و گاه حتي به طور آشكار و نظام مند نقض مي شود . جوامع مسلمان كه اكثرا در حال توسعه يا توسعه نيافته هستند از اين جمله اند كه در بسياري از آنان حقوق بشر نهادينه نشده و دولتها خود را ملزم به اجراي آن نمي دانند.
AFGHANISTAN: JUDICIAL REFORM AND TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE
28 January 2003
Asia Report N45
Kabul/Brussels
The Anthony Hyman Memorial Lecture
School of Oriental and African Studies
University of London
3 February 2003
Barnett R. Rubin.
Director of Studies and Senior
As I look around the room today, I see many faces that are both familiar and unfamiliar. Familiar, because, for most of those I know here, our common engagement with the agonies and hopes of the people of Afghanistan first brought us together, and, through long periods of separation and even at times, disengagement, has repeatedly thrown us back together.
Afghanistan is taking important steps towards building a stable, lawful and democratic state. At the same time, it is facing with the legacy of egregious human rights violations committed in the context of more than two decades of armed conflict and which has cast a dark shadow over the peaceful and just co-existence of the people. In his report on rule of law and transitional justice in conflict and post-conflict societies, the UN Secretary-General has stressed that justice, peace and democracy are not mutually exclusive objectives, but rather mutually reinforcing imperatives.
President Hamid Karzai's government adopted the Action Plan just one week before the opening of the country's recently elected new Loya Jirga (Parliament). An unknown number of the parliament's elected members are accused of having been involved in the prior commission of atrocities, and some rights activists in Afghanistan and elsewhere have expressed concern that the parliament might enact a blanket amnesty as one of its early acts.
Emerging from over two decades of violent conflict, Afghanistan bears a legacy of human rights abuse that cuts across all political, ethnic and religious lines. This raises issues related to the credibility of both the new political leadership and holders of office within public institutions.
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